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The Bretton Woods System
After World War II, the Western allies led by the U.S.A. met in
Bretton Woods in 1944 to agree on an international monetary system.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) was established by the
Bretton Woods Agreement.
The Agreement foresaw the need for occasional adjustments in
exchange rates among the various currencies of the Western allies.
At the time, this was thought to be a seldom used and highly
exceptional emergency operation that most nations, and especially
the industrialized nations, would not have to resort to.
To deal with the expected post World War II growth in
international economic and trade activities, and to facilitate it, a
set of rules was laid down at an international monetary conference
in July 1944.
This is the well known Bretton Woods Agreement, which led to the
creation of the International Monetary Fund, or IMF.
Among the stated objectives of the IMF are the following:
1. Expansion and balanced growth of international trade.
2. Promotion of exchange rate stability among international
currencies, and
3. Shortening the duration and lessening the degree of
disequilibrium in the international balances of payments of member
countries.
So far, the only one objective that was met was the growth of
international trade.
The Balance of Payment Concept
The U.S. experiences a balance-of-payment deficit when more U.S.
dollars leave the country than enter it.
Dollars leave the country when Americans buy goods and services
abroad (import) or when they invest abroad.
Conversely, dollars enter the country when foreigners buy U.S.
made goods and services, or when foreigners invest here in the U.S.
These are not the only causes of international dollar flows, but
they are the major ones.
Others are such as international remittances, military and
non-military grants, international aid, etc.
The Bretton Woods Agreement worked reasonably well in the first
few years of its existence, perhaps because the IMF, being in its
infancy, moved with caution.
By 1950, the first signs of trouble started to appear.
From then on, the United States persisted in accumulating
balance-of-payment deficits, with only rare and insignificant
exceptions.
The question is, how did the U.S. get away with this persistent
deficit accumulation for so long when no other nation could? The
simple answer: By convincing the creditor nations to hold the U.S.
dollar itself as a means of settling its deficit.
As the U.S. dollar continued to accumulate in foreign central
banks, it was always thought that a simple reversal of policies
could, in due time, reverse the trend.
In the meantime, as long as the U.S. government adhered to its
policy of keeping its dollar pegged to gold and convertible into
gold, a run on the U.S. gold stock was not likely.
If a run on gold were to be made, the U.S. would lose.
But so would most Western nations, since they would be left
holding U.S. monetary units for which there was no gold backing.
As it became increasingly clear with time, the Bretton Woods
Agreement discriminated in practice in favor of the U.S.
The U.S. assumed the role of the monopolistic money-supplier to
the world.
The purchase mechanism provided the U.S. with foreign-made goods
and/or services.
The loan mechanism (compounded by the Euro-and Asia-dollar
markets) allowed the U.S. corporations to make capital investments
abroad; i.e. to buy up foreign companies and productive facilities
or to create such facilities on foreign soil.
In return for this accumulation of wealth, the U.S. has done no
more than run the money printing presses a little faster.
The only way America could make U.S. dollars available to the
outside world was by incurring balance-of-payments deficit.
The greater the deficit, the greater the international liquidity.
The world got hooked on the spend, spend and spend policies to
meet their ever increasing consumptive behavior and localized war
adventures.
These activities were financed indirectly through America by
using the U.S. dollar as the reserve currency of the world through
the IMF.
The fact that the pre-1971 international monetary system favored
the United States was not the only area of friction among the
leading nations of the West.
Money, at least the so called M1-concept, is defined as: all
checking account deposits and currency in the hands of the U.S.
non-bank public.
This part of the total money aggregate created by the Fed is
watched closely by them to make sure that the economy is under
control.
But since the U.S. dollars held outside the U.S. either privately
or by foreign central banks, do not fall in the M1-category, the Fed
did not concern itself with the supply of dollars held abroad.
As an example, suppose the U.S.
M1 money supply is $500 billion and that some $50 billion (only
10%) wind up abroad.
That would leave $450 billion at home here in the U.S.; not
enough to sustain the growth of the economy (Gross National
Product-GNP) at the previous level of $500 billion, since the
reduction in money supply to the public de-stimulates and reduces
the nation's public demand (to buy goods and services).
So, America has what looks like a demand-induced recession on its
hands.
To keep the economy going in the U.S., the Federal Reserve in
this case, will count and recount the M1-(domestic) money supply,
find it short $50 billion and promptly fill the gap (that was during
the 60's and 70's; now the Fed watches the M2-supply which includes
large CD's and the M3-supply which include Eurodollar term deposits
and large deposits and money market accounts).
This supposedly would solve the problem and bring back demand.
The GNP would rise, unemployment is reduced and the problem is
solved.
The question is: is it really solved? The real question is: if
America is short $50 billion, where did the money go? And what is
its impact at the new locations overseas?
The answer:
It went abroad and caused inflationary pressures there.
In summary, by not filling the money gap created by transfer of
dollars abroad, a recession is generated in the U.S. and on the
other hand, by filling the gap, a U.S. recession is averted but
inflation is created abroad.
What would be the choice for the fed? The lesser of the two
evils: inflate abroad.
MR. NIXON ABANDONS THE U.S. DOLLAR/GOLD PARITY
In 1971, many European officials started realizing what was
happening and they screamed foul.
Mr. Spiro Agnew (the then Vice President of the U.S.), the late
Mr. John Connally (the then U.S. secretary of the Treasury), and Mr.
George Schultz (the then Director of the U.S. office of Management
and Budget, OMB and later Mr. Reagan's secretary of state and former
chairman of Bechtel) all refused to address the problem of balancing
the U.S. balance of payments.
In short, America refused to take action.
The dollar continued to accumulate abroad, and the inevitable
finally took place.
During the second week of August 1971, another run on the U.S.
gold reserves was stopped by President Nixon.
On August 15, 1971, Mr. Nixon suspended the back bone of the
Bretton Woods Agreement.
He declared the suspension of the convertability of the U.S.
dollar into gold.
There had been previous attacks on the U.S. dollar.
In 1965, France under President Charles de Gaulle, converted just
under $1 billion into gold.
In 1968, the dollar was attacked again.
The "two-tier" gold market was then created as an emergency
measure.
The U.S. no longer stood ready to exchange an ounce of gold for
$35 (as per the Bretton Woods Agreement) to just anyone.
Only foreign governments and /or central banks were qualified for
the trade.
At that time the U.S. cut itself loose from the private
international gold market, just as it has abandoned and outlawed the
private domestic gold market in 1933.
The trouble was that when that gate was shut, a small back door
was left open.
Under the existing IMF rules at the time, member governments
(except Switzerland) were obliged never to let their currency
money-parity deviate by more than 1% up or down from the IMF set
fixed exchange rate relative to the U.S. dollar.
Germany, in particular, was prohibited, by agreement, to let the
price of the U.S. dollar fall.
The only option available to the Deutsche Bank (Germany's Central
Bank, which always stood as politically independent and with a clear
mandate to fight inflation) was to buy U.S. dollars at the fixed
exchange rate to support the fixed exchange rate agreed upon by the
IMF agreement.
The net result was expected.
The U.S. dollars were in the hands of foreign central banks.
In the days preceding President Nixon's new economic policy, that
meant: That these foreign central banks had access to Fort Knox's
gold through exchanging that gold for U.S. Dollars as the Bretton
Woods agreement stipulated.
At the time, the foreign central banks of major European
countries (many of them with American troops in some sort on their
soils) were assumed to be reasonable institutions that would not
make a run on the U.S. gold.
In early May 1971, such a private attack on the U.S. dollar
forced four countries; i.e. Germany, Holland, Belgium and
Switzerland, to buy up approximately U.S.
$3 billion within a few days.
Finally, these and other smaller countries decided they could not
support the dollar any longer.
International foreign money exchanges were shutdown for days.
These countries reasoned that a wholesale conversion, in Europe,
of U.S. dollars into European currencies, which were neither wanted
or needed, is counterproductive.
This was the case of an instant inflation on a gigantic scale made
in the U.S.A. and delivered in Europe.
In addition, the Keynesian economic policies, which advocates
creating monetary liquidity by governments to support, encourage and
sustain economic growth, were advocated in Western Europe.
This added more fuel to the raging fire of inflation.
THE NIXON MONETARY POLICY
On August 15, 1971, President Nixon suspended the convertability
of the U.S. dollar into gold.
The immediate result was a joint upward floating of most major
world currencies, in relation to the U.S. dollar.
By December, 1971, the Bretton Woods Agreement was modified.
The so-called Smithsonian Agreement (the meeting was held at the
Smithsonian Institution) was reached among the IMF-nations.
The U.S. dollar was devalued by increasing the price of gold from
$35 to $38 an ounce.
Another "innovation" of the Smithsonian Agreement permitted the
IMF-nations to let their currencies fluctuate 2 1/4 % up or down
from the official price as compared to Bretton Woods' originally
established 1% bracket.
The U.S. dollar promptly fell to the floor and stayed there.
On February 1973 (just before the October/Ramadan -1973 war) a
second devaluation of the U.S.dollar, this time a much more
pronounced one, took place.
Shortly thereafter, most major Western nations followed the lead
of Canada, Germany, Holland and others by allowing their currencies
to float against the U.S. dollar.
The introduction of the "floating exchange rates" became an
accepted fact.
As a result, and claiming that speculations contribute to
stability, the so-called- International Monetary Exchange Market of
the Chicago Mercantile Exchange was introduced.
Finally, in November 1973, the major countries agreed to
"demonetize" gold.
The participating IMF major governments agreed to sell gold on
the free market to define a fair market value for gold or indeed for
the U.S.dollar.
Thus governments were no longer required to hold gold in reserve
for the purpose of settling balance-of-payments deficit.
The IMF is now an active proponent of fiscal and monetary
controls in many of the developing countries and the former Eastern
European countries as well as the former Soviet republics.
The IMF policies are heavily flavored by the policies of the G-7
club of nations.
These are the U.S., England, Japan, France, Canada, Italy and
Germany.
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